Wontack Hong
Professor, Seoul University
The evolution of egami-ledyard-hong models
Egami (1962, 1964) believes that the Japanese
imperial ancestors came from a horseriding race of Northeast Asian provenance,
possibly from among the Puyeo of central Manchuria, and that immediately
prior to their invasion of the Japanese islands, they were based in
the southern peninsula.
Egami contends that the horseriders occupied
Ky?sh? in the early fourth century, and their descendant Homuda (Oujin)
carried out the conquest eastward to the Kinki region at the end of
the fourth century, establishing the Yamato kingdom, the first unified
state on the Japanese islands. The most crucial evidence for his theory
is the sudden appearance of various horse-related archeological findings
dated to the period after “the middle of the latter half of the fourth
century.”
Egami has attempted to ground his thesis
on historical sources by identifying a Nihongi figure called Mima-ki
(Emperor Sujin), who presumably came to the Japanese islands from a
southeastern corner of the Korean peninsula called Mima-na, as the leader
of the horseriding invasion force. The Dongyi-zhuan records that there
were kings of Chin in southern Korea who ruled in the state of Yue-shi
in Ma-han and brought under sway twelve out of a total of twenty-four
Han states.1>
Egami believes that the leader of horseriders
became the kings of Chin up to the late third century, and Mima-ki,
one of the descendants of the third century Chin kings, left Mima-na
to conquer the Japanese islands in the early fourth century.2>
A flaw in Egami’s argument is his contention
that Mima-ki belonged to the horseriding conquerors, while archeologically
it appears that only Homuda could have belonged to them. Since Egami
places Mima-ki in the early fourth century, he has to backdate the invasion
to around that time, at least half a century or more before the advent
of archeological discontinuity.
If Egami’s hypothesis is correct, we should
be able to observe an introduction of Middle and Late Tomb materials
in the early fourth century, at least in Ky?sh? where Egami contends
the invasion began. According to Egami, such evidence constitutes a
missing link which, he believes, will certainly be found in the future.3>
Ledyard (1975) has attempted to reformulate
Egami’s theory in order to make it more consistent with the appearance
of the archeological break. Ledyard contends that the Paekche kingdom
in the southwestern part of the Korean peninsula was founded by the
Puyeo refugees from Manchuria sometime in the twenty-year period between
352 and 372, and immediately thereafter, the Puyeo warriors reached
the sea, boarded boats and founded the Yamato kingdom in the Japanese
islands.
The core evidence for Ledyard’s thesis
is twofold: the historical fact that Puyeo was destroyed in 346, and
the chaotic stories of the period between 350 and 380 recorded in Nihongi.The
record of Nihongi for the year 366 (246, without the usual two-cycle
correction) contains the following statements made by the King of a
Kaya state, Tak-sun: “In the course of the year Kinoye Ne [364], three
men of Paekche named Ku-zeo, Mi-ju-ryu, and Mak-go came up to my country
and said; - ‘The King of Paekche [Keun Chogo], hearing that in the Eastern
quarter there is an honorable country [the Japanese islands], has sent
thy servants to this honorable country’s court. Therefore, we beg of
thee a passage so that we may go to that Land.
If you wilt be good enough to instruct
thy servants and cause us to pass along the roads, our King will certainly
show profound kindness to my Lord the King.’ I (the King of Tak-sun)
then said to Ku-zeo and his followers: - ‘I have always heard that there
is an honorable country in the East, but I have no communication with
it, and do not know the way.
There is nothing but far seas and towering
billows, so that in a large ship, one can hardly communicate. Even if
there were a regular crossing-place, how could you arrive there?’ Hereupon
Ku-zeo and the others said: - ‘Well, then for the present we cannot
communicate. Our best plan will be to go back again, and prepare ships
with which to communicate later.’ ”4>
What are we able to understand from these
statements? As of 364, Han-seong was the capital of Paekche, and Ma-han
was still occupying the southwestern corner of the Korean peninsula.
Hence it was natural that the Paekche people would lack detailed information
about the passages to the Japanese islands. The movement of the Paekche
people [Homuda and his followers] to the Japanese islands must have
occurred not long after 364, which was the year they had dispatched
scouts to gather information about the passages.
In the ensuing narration, however, Nihongi
records a large-scale Wa invasion of Korea with “Paekche generals.”
According to Nihongi, it was Jing? who dispatched an army to the Korean
peninsula in 369 to invade “Silla.” It is said that, when the Wa army
arrived at Tak-sun, they discovered that the size of their army was
too small and hence had to ask for reinforcements. They were soon joined
by troops led by two generals with unmistakably Paekche names.
They then all together invaded and conquered
“Silla” and pacified Tak-sun and six other places. From here the armies
turned west, conquered the southern savages and then “granted” those
conquered lands to Paekche. At this point they were joined by the Paekche
King Keun Chogo and his son Prince Keun Kusu, whereupon four more localities
spontaneously surrendered. 5> If one
tries to understand these military activities described in Nihongi as
the work of Wa, then there is no way to understand the “Paekche generals”
associating with Wa troops.
Neither can we understand, as pointed out
by Ledyard (1975), the story that the Wa armies somehow got to Tak-sun
in the first place without passing through the areas they later conquered,
nor the story that Wa armies then turned around and conquered the areas
from north to south.
But once we take those series of military
activities as the work of Paekche, these Nihongi records become quite
coherent.By crosschecking the records of Samguk-sagi, Ledyard logically
deduces that all those stories recorded in Nihongi represent the historical
records of Paekche armies moving south. At this point, however, Ledyard
commits an altogether unnecessary and surprising error, calling the
Paekche king and his followers “Puyeo warriors.”
In Nihongi, the above story ends with the
Paekche King and the “Wa soldiers,” who are heading to the Japanese
islands, pledging eternal friendship and biding farewell. If we take
the departing “Wa soldiers” as a contingent of Paekche warriors [led
by a Paekche prince named Homuda], without invoking Puyeo warriors out
of the blue, then the entire story becomes coherent. In searching for
the principal figures in the formation of the Yamato kingdom, Egami
resorts almost exclusively to the Dongyi-zhuan and relies very little
on the records of Kojiki and Nihongi.
Ledyard resorts almost exclusively to the
Jing?’s section of Nihongi, and fails to allot appropriate weight to
the post-Oujin records of Kojiki and Nihongi. The essence of my proposition
is that a member of the Paekche royal family represented by Homuda and
his followers, with the blessing of Paekche’s King Keun Chogo (346-375),
carried out the conquest of the Yamato region via Ky?sh? in the late
fourth century. I contend that not only the entire Mahan area, but also
the Japanese islands were conquered by the Paekche people during the
latter half of the fourth century (to be more specific, 370-390) when
the Paekche’s military might reached its peak.
The Foundation Myth: Trinity The close
similarity in kingship myths between Koguryeo and the Yamato kingdom
has already been suggested by many Japanese scholars (see ?bayashi,
1977). I believe that the recorded foundation myths in both countries
are consistent with my own foundation theory: it was the Paekche people
who had established the Yamato kingdom on the Japanese archipelago,
and the roots of the Japanese imperial clan were the Paekche royal family
whose origin, in turn, can be traced to the founder of the Koguryeo
kingdom, Chu-mong.
The foundation myth of Koguryeo as recorded
in Samguk-sagi and Old Samguk-sa, on the one hand, and the foundation
myth of the Yamato kingdom as recorded in Kojiki and Nihongi, on the
other, reveal surprising similarities in essential motives. In both
myths, a son of the heavenly god or sun goddess descends to earth from
heaven and marries a daughter of the river god or sea god (after being
tested for godliness by the bride’s father).
Their romance terminates with the birth
of a founding forefather of the earthly kingdom (being destined to be
separated from each other), and the earthly founder leaves the initial
settlement, crossing the river or sea, getting the help of turtles or
of a man riding on a turtle.6> ?bayashi
(1977) points out that among the three different types of animals appearing
in Kojiki myth, such as tortoise, crow, and bear, only the bear (the
land animal) has a negative value and, analogously, among tortoises,
birds, and beasts appearing in Chu-mong myth, only the land animals
(beasts) have a negative value.
?bayashi states that “the structural similarity
between the two stories becomes apparent when they are codified.”In
the finale, the foundation myth of Kojiki and Nihongi also matches the
legend of Paekche itself: the elder brother Biryu went to the seashore
and failed while the younger brother Onjo stayed inland in a mountain
area and succeeded in founding a kingdom in the new world.
In Kojiki and Nihongi, Jinmu’s grandfather
was a second child who was partial to mountains; the elder brother was
partial to the sea and failed, subsequently submitting to his younger
brother. Jinmu himself was the younger child, and the elder brother
was killed during the first land battle.
Oujin was a second child, and the elder
brother did not merit so much as a single word of description in Kojiki
and Nihongi.7> A historical event in
the formation of Paekche might well have been an additional source of
inspiration for the writers of the Kojiki-Nihongi myth.
According to Egami, the foundation myth
derived from the same source as Puyeo and Koguryeo was brought to the
Japanese islands by an alien race and, with minor adaptations, became
the foundation myth of the Yamato kingdom.8>
?bayashi (1977: 19) states that the “striking correspondence in structure
between the Japanese myths and the kingdom-foundation legends of Koguryeo
and Pakeche … provides a clue to the origins of the ruling-class culture
in Japan,” and also states that (ibid.: 22) “the monarchial culture
… came to Japan from Korea … in the fifth century” and “the people who
were responsible for this monarchial culture had absorbed the Altaic
pastoral culture to a substantial degree and it had become an integral
part of their culture.”
The Age of the God narrated in Book One
of Kojiki introduces the mythical founder Ninigi, the grandson of the
Sun Goddess Amaterasu. Book Two of Kojiki begins the Age of Man with
the earthly founder Ihare (Jinmu) and ends with the fifteenth king Homuda
(Oujin). In the preface of Kojiki, one reads that “Ninigi first descended
to the peak of Takachiho, and Ihare (Jinmu) passed through the island
of Akitsu” in one breath.9>
In Book Two of Kojiki, Ihare, who was born
in Ky?sh?, commences the epic Eastward Conquest while Homuda, who was
also born in Ky?sh?, wages a miniature Eastward Conquest with his mother
(Jing?), who has just crossed over the sea from the Korean peninsula
and landed on the Japanese islands.
The Sun Goddess Amaterasu orders her child
to descend from heaven to rule the Japanese islands, while the earthly
mother Jing? accompanies her child and herself sees her son through
becoming the king at the capital city named Ihare in the Yamato area.10>
According to Kojiki, the divine oracle
tells Homuda’s mother (Jing?) that “it is the intention of the Sun Goddess
Amaterasu to bestow the country upon her unborn child and let him rule
it … and hence if the country is really desired … cross the sea!”11>
contend that Ninigi, the scion of the Sun Goddess recorded in Book One,
and Ihare the earthly founder, and Homuda the fifteenth king recorded
in Book Two (at the beginning and at the end, respectively) of Kojiki
portray three different aspects of the real founder of the Yamato kingdom.
In Kojiki as well as in Nihongi, the mythological
aspect was covered in the Ninigi section, the records of battles and
conquest were covered in the Ihare (Jinmu) section, and the massive
arrival of the Paekche people was covered in the Homuda (Oujin) section.
Homuda, Ihare and Ninigi constitute the trinity in the foundation legend
of the Yamato kingdom.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
<footnotes>
1> Egami (1964: 66) ??? ?? ??????? ???
??? …??????. . .????????. . .??????? ????????? ??? ???? ???? ?? ?? ???????
????
2> Egami (1962: 16) ???? ???????. .
.????????. . .?????? ??? ????????? ???. . .?????. . .????? ?????????
?????. . .???? ????????? (NI: 257-259)
3> Egami (1064: 69) not only argues
“the invasion of Tsukushi by the kings of Mimana . . . from the operational
base of Kara . . . with the cooperation of the people of Wo living in
that area” as well as “the establishment of a confederated Japanese-Korean
state comprising Mimana and Tsukushi,” but also argues that “the kings
of this confederated state, the kings of Wo, had their capital . . .
in Tsukushi . . [and] in the time of Emperor Oujin . . . the armies
of Wo penetrated deeply into the interior of the Korean peninsula .
. . [and] while these continental campaigns were being carried on there
occurred the conquest of the Kinki region . . . and the establishment
of the Yamato court . . . Emperors of Japan were kings of Wo ruling
a Japanese-Korean confederation.[F]rom the time of the Emperor Tenji
. . . the Emperor of Japan finally became sovereign over the islands
of Japan alone.” Egami (1964: 65-66) also argues that “the kings of
Wo still retained a historical basis for ruling, or a latent right to
rule, the whole of south Korea . . . Paekche, like all the other states
of south Korea, should be considered a dependency of the state of Wo.”
Egami seems to have coated his theory of horseriding people with enough
sugar to win the Cultural Medal from the Emperor in 1991.
4> ?? ?????. . .?????. . .?. . .????
????. . .???????.. .? ?????? ???????????? ????? ??? ???????? ???? ?????
????. . .???? ????????. . .? ?????? ????? ???? ????? ???? ???? ?????
????? ?? ???? ???????? ?? ?????? ???? (NI: 353)
5> ?? ????? . . .???? ?????? ????? ??????
???? . . . ??? ???? ???. . . ?? ?????? ???? ?????? ???? . . .????? ????
??????????? ?????. . .?. . .??? ?? ???????????????????? ??? ?????? ???????
???? ??????????? ?????. . .?????? ???????????????? ????? ???? ?????.
. .????.. . .??????. . .??? (NI: 355-357)??????? ???? . . . ?? ????
. . . ??? ??????? ???? . . . ???? . . . ???? (S2: 16)
6> ? ????? ??? ????. . . ??? . . . ????.
. . ?. . .?. . . ???? .. . ????? ????. . . ??. . . ????. . .???? ????
???? ????? ????. . . ?????. . . ??? ????? ???? . .. ?????? (S1: 260-261)
??? . . .???. . .????? ???????. . . ?????? . ..????? . . .???? . . .?????.
. .??? ?????? ???? ?????? . . .????. . .???? . . .????? ????? ?????
. . . ?????. . . ????? ?????. . .????? (?????? : 33-36)??? ?? ??? ???.
. .?????? ???. . .????????? ???????. . .??????? . . . ???? ?????? ???
??? ?????. . .?????. . .????????? ?????? ?????. . . ????? ???? . . .
???? . . . ???? ???????? ????? ?????? ????? . . .?????? . . .?? [?]??
?? ??? ????? ???? ???? ???? ????. . . ????. . .??? ???? (NI: 87) ???.
. .????? (K: 150) ???. . . ???? (NI: 193)?????? . . . ????? . . . ????????
. . . ??????? . . . ???? ???? . . . ???????? . . . ??? (NI: 139) ????
. . . ??????????? ?? . . . ??????? ???? (K:148)See ?bayashi (1977: 1-23).
7> ???? . . . ????? . . .?????? ????????.
. . ????????? . . . ????? (S2: 15) ?????. . .???. . .???? ???????. .
.??. . .???. . .???. . .?????? (K: 124-126) ????? ???? (NI: 151) ??.
. .?. . .???? ?. . .???? (NI: 163) ????. . .?????. . .???? [????? ????.
. .??????? (NI: 183)] ?????. . .????? (NI: 165) ??. . .??? (NI: 171)
?????? ?????? (NI: 175) ???????. . .???. . .?????. . .??? (NI: 178-181)
???. . .?? ?????. . .?. . .?. . .?????? (NI: 185) ??? ?????? ???? (NI:
187) ?????? . . . ???????? ??? . . . ?. . .????? . . . ????? ????????
(K: 226)
8> Since the principal actor of the
Yayoi era was the Karak (Kaya) people, the foundation myth of the Yamato
kingdom could not avoid some trace of the Karak foundation myth. According
to Kojiki and Nihongi, after receiving the order of the heavenly god
to rule the land, Ninigi descends on the peak of Kuji-furu (in Ky?sh?)
that is identical to the name of the place Kuji (in southern Korea)
where the founder of Karak descended from heaven. See Egami (1964: 56,
59). ?????????????? ????? (K: 128) ???? ??????????????? (NI:149) ??.
. .??????????? ????? ?????? ???? (S2: 290) ???? ???? . . .?????. . .
??????? ??? ???? . . .??? . . . ?????? . . . ????? ????? ??????? ??????????
9> ???? ?????? ???? ?????? (K: 42)
10> ?????? ?????? ???? ???? ??????.
. .???? ???. . . ?????? . . .????????? . . .??. . .???????? ?? ?????.
. .???? ????? ???? ?????. . .????. . .????. . . ?. . .????. . .?????
(K: 232-234) ?? ???? ?????? ???? ?? ???? (NI: 349)
11> ???? ????? ???? . . . ?????? . .
. ???? ???????? ????? . . . ????????? . . . ??????? . . . ????? (K:
228-230)
wthong@wontackhong.pe.kr.? 2005 by Wontack
HongAll rights reserved
Hidden
Truth of History: About the Orgine of Japan (Recommanded
Homepage: www.EastAsianHistory.pe.kr)
The Yamato Kingdom:The First Unified
State in the Japanese Islands Established by the Paekche People
The Japanese Islands Conquered
by the Paekche People the foundation myth: trinity
Massive Influx of the Paekche
People into the Yamato Region
Fall of the Paekche Kingdom and
Creating a New History of the Yamato Kingdom
King Kwang-gae-to’s Stele yamato
solideirs in the korean peninsula
Archeological Break:Event or Process
the late tomb culture
They, Including Minister Soga,
Appeared Wearing Paekche Clothes
Coming Across the Emotive Records
in Kojiki and Nihongi revelation of close kinship
|